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01 02 20 11 1918 2
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THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE November 20, 41918 Counter Revolutionary Plots In Russia From the People Commissaire for Foreign Affairs Tellitclun to the Russian plenipo etuiary in Berlin, Mascow, September a, 19:8: plot, was unearthed to day which had been engineered by foreign diplomats led by the head of the English mission.
Mr. Lockhart, the French Consul General and some others.
Thu aim was, after bribing certain detachments of the Soviet troops, to overthrow the Council of the People Connoissaires and to proclaim in Moscow a military dictatorship. This was a reguhr conspiracy relying for its success on forged documents and bribes. Among other documents brought to light there was a statement to the effect that if the revolt was successful, forged letters alleged to have passed between the Russian and German governments would be published. and also forged copies of treaties, whereby a sentiment would be created hvorable to the declaration of a new war agath Germany. The plotters took advantage of their diplomatic immunity and were protected by certificates personally signed by the head of the English Mission iin Moscow, Locldtart. Several copies of the documents are already in the lmnds of the investigating committee. It has been proved that in the past fortnight one million two hundred thousand rubles had been distributed for the purpose of bribery by the English lieutenant Reilly, one of Lockhart agents. An Englishman arrested in the plotters secret meeting place and brought before the investigating committee was found to be the English diplomatic representative Lock. hart. He was released as soon as his identity was established.
Unsuccessul attempts to bribe certain corps commanders brought about the exposure of the plot. Investigations will becontinued with all possible thoroughness, What the Phil. Planning to Do From the Mo:tow Pravda, Seplember 1918.
Lockhart and an odicer of the Soviet troops met for the first time at a private house on August 4th! They discussed the fasibility of arnnging an uprising against the Soviet authorities in Moscow about September loth, at which time the English troops would be advancing in the Murman rqion The date of September to was considered as very important owing to the fact that Lenin and Trotsky were to attend a meeting of the People Commissaires on that day. It was also planned to seize the lnmerial Bank, the Central Telephone Exchange and the Telegraph station. military dictatorship was to be established and all meetings (Translated from the Russian by Andre Tridon)
prohibited pending the arrival of the English troops.
The Russian officer received from Lockhart the sum of 700m rubles to be spent in preparing the upri ing. On August 22 another conference whs held at which he received another 200, 000 rubles and at which plans were elaborated for seizing all the papers in Lenin and Trotsky ofices.
On August 38 the Russian ofiicer received another 200, 000 roubles and it was agreed that he should go to Petrograd and enter into communiutions with the English military group and the White Guards.
The threads of the entire conspiracy converged in the Brit.
ish mission, the second in authority being the French Consul General Gresnard; than came General Lavergne, a French oficer and several other French and English officers.
The negotiations between the Russian officer and the foreign plotters took phce on August 39 The possibility of starting simultaneous movements in Niiny Novgorod and Tambov was discussed. Negotiations were carried on with the representatives of a number of allied powers with a view to paralysing the resistance of the Soviet authorities to the Cheko Slovaks and the Anglo French forces, especially by bringing about an acute food shortage in Pctrograd and Moscow. Plans were likewise laid for blowing up bridges and railroad tracks, for incendiary fires and the destruction of stores of food stuffs. The Arrest: at the British Embassy front the Pravda of Moscow. September 3, 1918 The investigation connnission holds so men. most of them Englishmen. who were arrested on August 31 in the British Embassy. Dzershinsky, chairman of the commission, had received important information on the relations existitig between various counter revolutionary organizations and the representatives of the British government.
Hiller, a member of the coir mission, was authorized to search in the British Em! say and to make arrests if necessary. Accompanied by Commissaire Polisensko and his assist, tnts, Hiller arrived at the Embassy at live o clock in the evening. They surrounded the building and gained access to the ground floor. But when they proceeded on their way to the floor above, shots were fired rom there. Shenkman.
one of theCornmissairc assistants fell with a wound in his chest. Lissen, a scout, was killed on the spot. Hiller with a detachment of scouts forced his way into the rooms on the second floor and arrested the men he found there, all of whom held up their hands. The fight went on in the corridor, the scouts returned the fire, killing one of the men they had come to arrest. It was learned later that he was the nlval attache Cromie, who had fired the first shot. Among the prisoners is Prince Shakhovskoy.
In the course of the search letters were found which contain damaging evidence against the British Embassy, pnd also a large number of weapons. An Editorial of the Marrow Inertia, the Official Organ of the 5011. on Trhs tthcn r Telegram to Jolie.
It was planned to seize the People Cotnmissaires at one of the (buncil meetings at which important questions were to be discussed. The guards of the Kremlin were to receive bribes in consideration of which they would allow themselves to be also arrested. The members of the People Council were to be sent to Archangel. At least such was the first plan. Soon afterward, Reilly expressed doubts about the Advisibility of sending Lenin to Archangel. Through his ability to make friends with simple people, Lenin might on the way to Archangel win the sympathy of his guards and prevail upon them to let him escape. Reilly declared it would be safer to shoot Lenin and Trotsky as soon as they were arrested.
During the night of August 31, members of the investigating commission entered the plotters meeting place. Among the men who were arrested there was an Englishman who refused to give his name. Brought before the com rission he declared that he was Loekhart. After Peters had verified the math of that assertion he asked Lochart to explain the attempt made to bribe the commander of the Soviet troops.
Lockhart denied categorically having ever had naything to do with that officer. When the exact dates on which he had met him were mentioned and other documents were produced, Lockhart declared excitedly that as a diplomatic representative he could not be subjected to any examination.
It was then explained to him that the question had been put to him to enable him to prove that the Lockhart who had organized the plot and the English representative of the same name were two different persons.
The Fried brothers, one a major, the other a colonel, who were also arrested. were in the mloy of the Soviet government. They had for some time been stealing documents and reports on conditions at the front and the movunents of troops. Their reports were made in several copies and delivered to the English and French missions An actress of the Art Theatre acted as go betwecn.
The Revolution Russian and German Czar much ink was spilled by both the capitalist and Socialist press in proving that the Social Ravolution wu at last an accomplished fact; that it was not; tint it would shortly be in operation and finally that Russia was not sufficiently developed capitalistically for the establishment ol Socialism. Each side cited names and statistics to support its particular contention.
Since the outbreak of the Russian Revolution, however, events have moved swiftly. Despotic monarchy has been followed in quick succession by constitutional monarchy.
bourgeois democracy, liberal socialist coalition and revolutionary Socialism or Bolshevism. Some of these transsitinns have been accomplished so quickly that the outside world scarcely heard of the new government ere it had fallen. The proletariat in action moves apacc and its march is ever forward.
The quick changes of government, nevertheless, were not directly accomplished by the workers but by the forces bent on retarding their progress. They were merely so many lines of retreat hurriedly established by the bourgeoisie and as hurriedly discarded until the final battle came which was to wrench control from the hands of the middle classes or establish them in power until such time as another revolu ionary epoch swept than into the discard for ever.
The Kcrensky regime was this last line of defense in Russia and its strength may be judged by the fact tlht it was overthrown by telephone and with the loss of less lives than it took to reform the corn laws in England. To suppose, howwHEN in March 1917 the Russians overthrow the ever, that with the rise to power of the Soviets the bourgeoisie is finally disposed of in Russia would be a mistake of the first magnitude. Many a desperate struggle, national and international will yet be fought before the workers are finally triumphant, but events in Russia have already shown the tendencies of the times and the lines along which the struggle will develop.
Thus in viewing affairs in Austria and Germany the progress of the revolutionary movement may be guaged by comparison with Russia, taking into consideration, of course, the differences in the forces operating in the various countries.
It must be particularly remembered that the Russian bourgeoisie were less fitted to hold the reins of government than the bourgeoisie of other countries on account of the fact that they had practically no place in the old Russian government and had little or no governmental experience to guide them. In Germany the middle class have in the past, taken a prominent part in the lesser governmental activities of the country and are familiar with the machinery of office and the right wing of the Socialist movement has also functioned in the government. particularly since the beginning of the war.
Already the Gemians have arrived at the Kerensky stage and it is probable that the present government may remain in oflice for a protracted period; with minor changes in the personnel from time to time. The Seheidemann group are in power on the surface but indications are not lacking that the actual power is more and more being vested in the Soviets under the leadership of the group Internationale and the Spartacus group. As in Russia the moderates are arranging for a Constitutional Assembly and are demanding that the Executive Committee of the Sovicts cede their power to the Assembly, but at the same time it is admitted by the press that the government is in urgent need of the Soviets.
How soon this admission will result into the now historic cry All power to the Soviets can only be a matter of conjecture. Certain it is that the German Soviets have a tre mendous opportunity, having not only the example of the Bolsheviki to guide them, but having also their active cooperation in spreading propaganda. and if the present government would attempt anything so suicidal as the return of the Kaiser as a constitutional monarch it would appear that the time for the Soviets to take control is already at hand.
The actions of the Kaiser and the various. places he will take up his abode will doubtless exceed the Czar both by their peculiarity and their variety. The report that he is about to return to Germany is in all probability as tnie as the report in circulation some time ago that one of the Czar daughters was on her way to America to take up a vaudeville engagement. There would appear to be a much greater danger in the continued presence of Hindenburg as the head of the German army than in any of the Kaiser activities but Kercnsky experience with Kornilofi will probably warn any government in Germany from allowing itself to become involved with Hindenburg.
One thing is certain from all the reports coming out of Germany: the proletariat is awakened after the sleep of ages and Russia is the guarantee that they will sleep no more.
COUNTERJIEVOLUTIONARY SOCIALISM IS important, in considering developments in Germany. to emphasise that the fundamental struggle is betwen Socialism and Socialism. between two kinds or conceptions of Socialism. the moderate petty bourgeois and the revolutionary proletarian. The Social Democratic Party, the majority party of Scheidemann. Ebert It Co. is distinctly counterrevolutionary. The Executive Committee of the Social De mocratic Party. of which Ebert was a member, on October 17, issued a sclaration against a revolution: All this agitltiou fused, irresponsible persons. using Bolshevist revolutionary phrases. who are tryinp to mm the marker: to strike: and drummtions against the Government that would have no sense nor object at present, makes it more difficult to bring about pace and to democratiae Germany.
As the authorised representatives of the Social Democratic Party have always declared. we wish to transform our political stnseture into a democracy and our economic life into Socialism by means of a peaceful change. We are on the road toward peace and democracy. All agitation for as incurred recall run; counter to this road and sent: the rouse of the use of the counter revolution. Our italics)
nd this. just at the moment when the proletariat was on verge of bursting forth in that elemental revolutionary action that shattered the nulocracy, and made a breach in the old order through which the proletariat could break through for action and the conquest of power! The language of this counter revolutionary declaration was used in Russia against the Bolsheviki by moderate Socialism: it is characteristic and universal. This hesitation. this utter lack of audacity and revolutionary initiative. this horror of proletarian mass action, characterized the Social Democratic Party before the war. characterized its majority during the war. and characterizes its policy to day, when the German proletariat is accomplishing great things and Frederick Engels prophecy of thirty years ago might come true that out of the next general European war would emerge Socialism. Their theory has become life, and they contemptuously reject life itself.
WORK TO DO capitalist editorial writer life is not a happy one these days. Events are moving so swiftly tlht he wishes to offend no one He is in much the same position as the old lady who always bowed her head whenever His Satanic Majesty name was mentioned in church and on being asked by the parson to account for such strange behavior replied. Well. civility costs nothing and one never knows what mirht harm.
The papers who a short time ago covctly approved of the lynching of Frank Little, and openly lauded the Bisbee deportations and similar outrages against the American workers are now urging that employers take their employees to their expansive bosoms, explain all their troubles, thank God that they are not as the other bosses and finally whisper in the car of the already overcome worker a word against Bolshe vism.
er. Creel bureau for distributing useful information among uninformed Europeans and Americans is urged to continue its good work. Their (the Bolsheviki) propaganda is interhational in character says one of these editorials.
Their appeal is to the people who are dissatisfied. There are millions of such people in every big nation. Our own country is not free from them. We are not fighting against men with guns and gas. We are fighting against ideas. We can overcome those ideas only by sending better ideas against them. There is work, therefore, for Mr. Creel Bureau.
Those who rnmunber what Mr. Creel bureau did about the Sisson documents will agree that there is work for Mr.
Creel bureau to do right inside the bureau. with a broom.